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Turkey to restrict sale and advertising of alcohol

The new legislation will see the sale of alcohol in shops prohibited from 10pm to 6am Photo: AFP

By Justin Vela, Istanbul

4:36PM BST 24 May 2013

Members of Turkey’s Islamist-leaning government, led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, have approved legislation, which is awaiting presidential approval, which will see the sale of alcohol in shops prohibited from 10pm to 6am.

Although similar restrictions are in place in some European countries, including Britain, the legislation also bans the advertising of alcohol. Broadcasters will even need to blur out bottles and glasses of alcohol consumed by TV characters.

Alcoholic beverage companies will also not be allowed to sponsor events where their drinks can be sold, such as concerts or football matches. New liquor licenses will not be issued to establishments within 330 feet (100 metres) of a school or religious institution.

The manager of one liquor shop in Istanbul’s central Beyoglu district, famed for its boozy nightlife, called the ban “Islamic fascism.”

If the restrictions are enforced, posters on the front of his shop advertising Chilean wine and European beer will need to come down,

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possibly impacting his business for the worst.

“This is a problem for all of Turkey,” he said, asking that his name and shop be withheld for fear of repercussions.

Erdeniz Ucan, 28, accused the government of being “anti-secularist” and wanting to “manipulate society”.”Smoking is bad, drinking alcohol is bad, praying is good…I think they will continue brainwashing people with these regulations,” he said.

While 99 per cent of Turkey’s citizens are Muslim, the establishment has always fiercely promoted secularism and kept a close watch on religious movements.

However, a decade of rule by Mr Erdogan and his popular Justice and Development Party (AKP), has eroded the power of secularists and pushed the role of Islam to the forefront of the national debate.

Mr Erdogan hit out at critics, saying the restrictions are good for Turkey’s youth.

“We do not want a generation that drinks night and day, that walks around merry. They have to be awake, they have to be sharp, they have to be equipped with knowledge. We want such a generation and we are taking steps in this regard,” he said, according to local media.

It remains unclear if the restrictions will make foreign tourists stay away. More than 30 million foreigners visit Turkey every year, with around 2.5 million from Britain.

In Egypt, tourism authorities have sought to reassure travellers about the future of the country as a holiday destination, with the emergence of the Islamist-led government of Mohammed Morsi leading to fears of a curb on alcohol.

Ghislain Sireilles, of Cachet Travel, a London-based tourism operator that works in Turkey, said that while Mr Erdogan has taken many positive steps for Turkey, there is another side that is a “bit worrying,” such as the restrictions on alcohol.

“Yes, it makes Turkey look a little more fundamentalist, maybe more conservative, losing a bit of freedom, yes,” Mr Sireilles said.

However, he doubted that the alcohol restrictions will make Turkey a less attractive holiday destination.

“Our clients are not going to Turkey just to drink. They are going to Turkey to see the sites…the archeology and the history Turkey has to offer.”

via @Telegraph http://t.co/jMFnapGe0P

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=thmK7zkSHqQ

Published on 22 May 2013

Composing is always a form of improvisation: with ideas, with musical particles, with imaginary shapes. And it is in this sense that the artistic itinerary and the world-view of the Turkish composer and pianist Fazıl Say should be understood. For it was from the free forms with which he became familiar in the course of his piano lessons with the Cortot pupil Mithat Fenmen that he developed an aesthetic outlook that constitutes the core of his self-conception as a composer. Fazıl Say has been touching audiences and critics alike for more than twenty-five years in a way that has become rare in the increasingly materialistic and elaborately organised classical music world. Concerts with this artist are something else. They are more direct, more open, more exciting; in short, they go straight to the heart. And the same may be said of his compositions.
Fazıl Say wrote his first piece — a piano sonata — as early as 1984, at the age of fourteen, when he was a student at the Conservatory of his home town Ankara. It was followed, in this early phase of his development, by several chamber works without an opus number, including Schwarze Hymnen for violin and piano and a guitar concerto. He subsequently designated as his opus 1 one of the works that he had played in the concert that won him the Young Concert Artists Auditions in New York: the Four Dances of Nasreddin Hodja. This work already displays in essence the significant features of his personal style: a rhapsodic, fantasia-like basic structure; a variable rhythm, often dance-like, though formed through syncopation; a continuous, vital driving pulse; and a wealth of melodic ideas that may often be traced back to themes from the folk music of Turkey and its neighbours. In these respects, Fazıl Say stands to some extent in the tradition of composers like Béla Bartók, George Enescu, and György Ligeti, who also drew on the rich musical folklore of their countries. He attracted international attention with the piano piece Black Earth (1997), in which he employs techniques familiar to us from John Cage and his works for prepared piano.
After this, Say increasingly turned to the large orchestral forms. Taking his inspiration from the poetry (and the biographies) of the writers Nâzım Hikmet and Metin Altıok, he composed works for soloists, chorus and orchestra which, especially in the case of the oratorio Nâzim, clearly take up the tradition of composers such as Carl Orff. In addition to the modern European instrumentarium, Say also makes frequent and deliberate use in these compositions of instruments from his native Turkey, including kudüm and darbuka drums and the ney reed flute. This gives the music a colouring that sets it apart from many comparable creations in this genre. In the year 2007 he aroused international interest with his Violin Concerto 1001 Nights in the Harem, which is based on the celebrated tales of the same name, but deals specifically with the fate of seven women from a harem. Since its world premiere by Patricia Kopatchinskaja, the piece has already received further performances in many international concert halls.
Fazıl Say scored a further great success with his first symphony, the Istanbul Symphony, premiered in 2010 at the conclusion of his five-year residency at the Konzerthaus Dortmund. Jointly commissioned by the WDR and the Konzerthaus Dortmund in the framework of Ruhr.2010, the work constitutes a vibrant and poetic tribute to the metropolis on the Bosporus and its millions of inhabitants. The same year saw the composition, among other pieces, of his Divorce String Quartet (based on atonal principles), and commissioned works like the Piano Concerto Nirvana Burning for the Salzburg Festival and a Trumpet Concerto for the Mecklenburg-Vorpommern Festival, premiered by Gábor Boldoczki. In response to a commission from the 2011 Schleswig-Holstein Musik Festival, Say has also written a Clarinet Concerto for Sabine Meyer that refers to the life and work of the Persian poet Omar Khayyam; for the Munich Biennale he is working on his first opera, entitled Sivas. Fazıl Say’s works are issued worldwide by the renowned music publishers Schott of Mainz.

21262_579632175391803_756879458_nFull REPORT: “Mankind is a single body and each nation a part of that body. We must never say  ‘What does it matter to me if some part of the world is ailing?’ If there is such an  illness, we must concern ourselves with it as though we wer…e having that illness.” ON PIONEER OF THE MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS: ATATÜRK – International Conference – E-published on May 18-20, 2013 http://www.lightmillennium.org/ataturk/2013/report-april19-20.pdf
Officials trying to control coverage of border town bombings

Officials trying to control coverage of border town bombings

Published on Monday 13 May 2013.

Reporters Without Borders condemns the drastic restrictions that a magistrate’s court in Reyhanli, a southern town on the Syrian border, has imposed on media coverage of two lethal car bomb explosions in Reyhanli on 11 May, outside its town hall and post office.
“The ban imposed by the Reyhanli magistrate’s court is disproportionate and violates the right to information,” Reporters Without Borders said. “The bombings are among the deadliest in recent Turkish history. How could information about them not be of general interest?”
“The judicial authorities are trying to control coverage of a key story on the pretext of combatting rumours and protecting the confidentiality of the investigation. We call for the ban to be lifted at once so that the media can do their work without having to depend on official communiqués.
“The court’s vague and imprecise language also prevents news providers from assessing the extent of the ban and therefore encourages self-censorship. In practice, it will prevent the media from reporting the local population’s concerns and criticism of government policy towards Syria.”
Reporters Without Borders added: “Appealing for national unity is legitimate, but it should not suppress a democratic debate about the context or political consequences of the bombings.”
At least 46 people were killed and 100 were wounded in the two car bombings in Reyhanli, which has been sheltering many Syrian refugees and which is used as a base by many NGOs operating in Syria. The bombings have fuelled concern about a regionalization of the Syrian conflict.
Within hours of the two explosions, the Reyhanli magistrate’s court issued its ban on the transmission by print and broadcast media and Internet users of “any information about the state of the dead and wounded, and about the investigation”
Posted on the website of the Higher Broadcasting Council (RTÜK), the “publication prohibition” also applies to “detailed images” of the scenes of the bombings and the wounded.
The official grounds for the ban, which was issued in response to a request by Reyhanli’s public prosecutor, are protection of the investigation’s confidentiality and protection of the privacy of the victims (under article 153 of the criminal procedure code).
The Association of Turkish Journalists (TGC) has called on the authorities to share all information of general interest with journalists and to facilitate their “already difficult” task.
Atilla Sertel, the president of the Federation of Turkish Journalists (TGF), has deplored a “tendency to issue prohibitions that offer no solution.” He said: “The publication ban will just raise more questions. It will fuel confusion and misinformation of the public.”
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government, which has been actively supporting the opposition to President Bashar Al-Assad in neighbouring Syria, has accused the Assad regime of being behind the bombings. Damascus has denied the charge.
Photo by: Bulent Kilic / AFP

The Economist

May 13th 2013, 10:23 by

S.B. in REYHANLI and A.Z. in ISTANBUL

UM HAMID surveyed the aftermath of one of two car bombs in Reyhanli, a Turkish town by the Syrian border that has been her home since she left her country seven months ago. “My son is now scared to say he’s Syrian,” she says, fearing locals could retaliate against refugees living there. Turkish officials immediately accused the forces of Syria’s president, Bashar Assad, of carrying out the attacks on May 11th that left at least 46 people dead. Still, some locals reckon the bombings were an attempt by Syrian opposition fighters to get the Turkish government to intervene on their side. Either way, the explosions are an unwelcome export of the increasingly menacing war to the south.
Turkey has taken a firm line against Mr Assad and has openly backed the Syrian rebels. But in the wake of the bombings, Turkey’s prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, made clear that the country would not be drawn into Syria’s war. Mr Erdogan’s government is facing a growing domestic backlash because of the instability being wreaked by the crisis. The Turkish public shows no appetite for military intervention, and worries about further blowback.
Many people in Reyhanli appear sympathetic to Syrians, but the attacks threaten to harden opinion against the refugees and migrants. In the wake of the bombings a group of local Turks smashed cars belonging to Syrians. In nearby Antakya, home to Turkish Arab Alawites, protestors took to the streets. “They’ll work for 15 Turkish lira [$8] per day rather than 35 so people employ them instead of us,” says Mohammed Alnar, a retired public-sector worker who blames his government as much as the Syrians. “We want to help people but the current situation isn’t working.”
Turkey has long restricted the number of refugees entering the country, but it has generally drawn praise for keeping its borders open as rebel forces have gradually taken them over from the regime. Immediately after the attacks the Turkish government closed every crossing along the 870km (541 mile) frontier. These are vital for Syrians trying to flee, but also for workers and volunteers seeking to get medical supplies, food and other humanitarian goods to the millions of people in need.
The biggest potential fallout would be if Turkey were to alter its liberal—and domestically controversial—policy towards the rebels. As well as helping to arm certain groups, the Turkish government has given opposition fighters fairly free reign to come in and out for meetings and take in weapons, money and supplies. While Turkey is keen to see Mr Assad go and has supported the rebels, it has made clear it will not tolerate trouble. A gate at Akcakale into Syria’s eastern province of Raqqa has been shut since a group of Syrians clashed with Turkish border guards there 10 days ago, leaving two people dead. Opposition fighters worry that the borders could be closed permanently, at a time when the regime is gaining the upper hand and flows of arms to the opposition have dried up. “We’re already struggling to get support,” says Abu Azzam, a commander with Farouq battalion.

PLEASE PRESS THE LINK BUTTONS ABOVE FOR CURRENT ARTICLES. THIS MATERIAL MAY BE USED BY PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR (CONTACT Ray Camen at birlesturkiye@gmail.com)

THIS SITE IS DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATURK, FOUNDER OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY AND FATHER OF THE TURKISH NATION. WE HEREBY ALSO HONOUR ALL THE ESTEEMED PEOPLE AROUND THE WORLD WHO HAVE BEEN DEVOTED FRIENDS OF OUR COUNTRY. TURKEY IS A SECULAR, PEACEFUL AND DILIGENT NATION THAT IS HOME TO OVER 20 ETHNIC MINORITIES CO-EXISTING FOR CENTURIES, BARRING THE INTERVENTION OF FOREIGN POWERS.

TODAY, THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IS UNDER DIRE THREAT.

THE RULING AKP PARTY AND ITS LEADER TAYYIP ERDOGAN HAVE CAST A DARK SHADOW ON THE COUNTRY. THEY ARE SPREADING A POISON THAT PROCLAIMS TO BE ISLAMIST BUT CONTRADICTS ISLAM IN ITS ABUSE OF POWER AND WORSHIP OF MONEY. THEY HAVE USED ISLAM TO FOOL MILLIONS OF INNOCENT CITIZENS, WITH THE BLASPHEMOUS CLAIM THAT “TO OPPOSE TAYYIP, IS TO OPPOSE ISLAM!”

THEY CONTROL ALL ASPECTS OF THE STATE FROM TOP TO BOTTOM, INCLUDING THE STATE AUDITING SYSTEMS, THE CENTRAL BANK, THE NATIONAL POLICE FORCE AND THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM. THEY CONTROL DISTRICT GOVERNORS AND MAYORS. THEY CONTROL THE UNIVERSITIES AND EDUCATION SYSTEM. THEY ALSO CONTROL MOST OF THE PRIVATE MEDIA. THEY CONTROL MANY TRADE UNIONS. THEY EVEN CONTROL THE FOOTBALL FEDERATION! APPOINTMENTS FOR ALL STATE POSITIONS ARE MADE NOT ON MERIT BUT ON BLIND OBEISANCE TO THE PARTY AND ITS LEADER.

IN SHORT, THEY HAVE CREATED A VINDICTIVE POLICE STATE AND THEY ARE ABUSING POWER IN ALL AREAS.

STILL WORSE, THEY HAVE ALMOST SILENCED THE CIVIL SECTOR, THE UNIVERSITIES, THE YOUTH AND THE VOICE OF THE TURKISH CITIZEN. THEY HAVE ALL BUT CRIPPLED THE TURKISH ARMED FORCES, LEAVING THE COUNTRY VULNERABLE IN THIS HIGHLY VOLATILE REGION.

AND THE BIGGEST IRONY, EVEN TRAGEDY, IS THAT THIS IS ALL BEING DONE UNDER THE PRETENCE OF “ADVANCED DEMOCRACY”.

MOST OF THE PEOPLE IN THE WEST WILL THINK THAT ALL OF THIS IS CONSPIRACY THEORY, GIVEN THE ECONOMIC GROWTH FIGURES AND PRESENCE OF TURKEY IN THE WORLD. BUT BEYOND THE LIES, A CLOSE LOOK INSIDE THE COUNTRY REVEALS THE ACTUAL TRUTH: FOREIGN INDIRECT INVESTMENT (HOT MONEY) FUELS THE ECONOMIC BUBBLE THAT WILL SURELY BURST WITHOUT IT, TENS OF THOUSANDS OF BUSINESSES ARE GOING BANKRUPT, ALMOST HALF OF THE POPULATION LIVES UNDER THE OFFICIAL POVERTY AND HUNGER THRESHOLD, UNEMPLOYMENT IS RAMPANT AND MUCH HIGHER THAN THE FIGURES INDICATE, THERE IS UNREST ALL OVER THE COUNTRY, AND ANY OPPOSITION IS LITERALLY BROUGHT DOWN ON ITS KNEES WITH BRUTE POLICE FORCE AND EXCESSIVE USE OF TEAR GAS. THIS IS THE “ADVANCED DEMOCRACY” THAT HAS THE COUNTRY GOING BACKWARDS INTO AN ISLAMIC STATE.

IF YOU FEEL CONCERNED, TAKE A DEEPER LOOK INTO WHAT IS GOING ON IN TURKEY BY FOLLOWING THE LINKS ABOVE.

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